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Last week we asked for your help securing the release of the Muslim politician Asath Sally. He had been thrown into jail under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act. Under this Act no evidence is required and the suspect does not even usually get to see what they are charged with. In Sally's case we were actually able to get hold of the order:

As you can also see Sally himself denied all the allegations in a signed statement he made at the bottom of the order. But of course, as no evidence is needed he was detained anyway. It is also almost certain that this wasn't the real reason for his detention. That is more likely to be linked to his advocacy against the anti-Muslim Buddhist extremist group the BBS.

The good news is that after a powerful campaign by local activists and an international campaign Sally was released. However the Government of Sri Lanka immediately started a disinformation campaign, stating that Sally had confessed to his crimes in a sworn affidavit with some even going further and suggesting he was a dangerous Islamic terrorist.

However the affidavit Sally signed is freely available online and, as you can see, it does no such thing:
It is great news for Sally and his family that he has been released. But it is a disgrace that the Sri Lankan Government continue to use the media to discredit and attack them, while making no effort to censure the Buddhist extremists of the BBS who actually do incite racially motivated violence and hatred. The message is clear - that the regime will use the courts to stifle and suppress dissent while protecting the government's admirers.

Even though the protracted internal armed conflict has ended, community members have been unable to return to their day-to-day lives. Under the administration of Mahinda Rajapaksa, Sri Lanka’s militarization has continued unabated. The Sri Lanka Army (SLA) has established numerous checkpoints and camps near peoples’ homes. Military personnel frequently patrol these areas – day and night. Sadly, the military’s intrusion into practically all aspects of civilian affairs remains a way of life in the conflict-affected North and East.

At the entrance to Kanthi Kiramam (Kilinochchi), there is a small army camp. Members of the 7th Battalion of the Sri Lanka National Guard (7SLNG) reside there.[1] A checkpoint is located on the other side of the camp, adjacent to a bus stop. At least three members of the military are actually living at that checkpoint. A brief history of this checkpoint may be of interest to both domestic and international observers.

Checkpoint Installation: Sequence of Events and Dubious Reasoning

Community members opposed the establishment of this checkpoint. Many community members said that such a checkpoint would frighten people while waiting for the bus.

To be clear, this is an important location; community members in Kanthi Kiramam and Konavil East use this bus stop. People sometimes have to wait for the bus for extended periods of time, so a range of topics are consistently discussed at this key area. Moreover, such a space is crucial given the restriction on the right to assemble in both private and public spheres. Students, young girls and community leaders gather there on a regular basis as a form political engagement, to discuss all kinds of topics, ranging from the trivial to the political (such as the upcoming provincial council elections).

In January 2013, military personnel started building the checkpoint. The following month, during the first week of February, community members went to the 7SLNG camp and requested that the military stop building. Nonetheless, by the end of the first week of February, the checkpoint was in place.

This has disrupted peoples’ daily lives, as people are now reluctant and afraid to use this bus stop. Moreover, a playground was also located in this area, but now fewer young people and children are playing there.

The significant encroachment on peoples’ lives through checkpoints has institutionalized the government’s capacity to surveil and control the (targeted) ethnic Tamil population.

People are afraid of the military. 

In terms of location and surveillance, this is a strategically important area. From this recently installed checkpoint, the military is able to monitor both Kanthi Kiramam and Konavil East at the same time.

As a justification, military personnel told community members that such a checkpoint is necessary in order to curb the illegal excavation of sand.

Evidently, military personnel were not interested in what community members thought.

More than 185 families are living in Kanthi Kiramam.[2] These houses are located in an area which is approximately 400 meters north of Skandapuram Road (outside of Kilinochchi town). There is a community hall and a Grama Sevaka office near these homes.[3]

The military maintains a strong presence in this densely populated area. In the evenings, military personnel frequently loiter near the community hall for extended periods of time.

A Return of Mystery Men? 

On March 14 and March 15, 2013, unidentified people went to Kanthi Kiramam and threatened community members. More specific information is recounted below.

On March 14, 2013 at 10pm, two unidentified persons wearing black clothing approached a community member’s house and called out to him in broken Tamil. When the man came out of his house, the intruders told him to “go back inside.” As a result, the community member went back inside his house.

Later, in another house about 500 meters from where the first incident occurred – while everyone was asleep – one of those very same persons[4] went and grabbed the neck of a twelve-year-old girl. The assailant told family members, “If you shout, we will cut her.” The assailants continued to threaten family members and used the child as a human shield.

Once the girl’s brother discovered what was happening, he started shouting. At that time everyone in the house woke up and started to scream. The mysterious people subsequently ran away.

After about thirty minutes, the assailants returned. They lit up the area with a torch light and called upon the husband to come out of the house. When the man came out, one of the assailants picked up an axe, which had been left just outside the house. The assailants ordered the man to have his wife come outside, but the man did not comply. When the wife became aware of what was happening, she began shouting.

Once the neighbors heard the wife shouting, they rushed to the house. Then the assailants fled the scene again. The second time the perpetrators came, they covered their faces with black cloth. Community members heard them speak in broken Tamil.

After this incident, the affected community members went to the army camp nearby and lodged a complaint. Consequently, in the evenings some army personnel have been stationed along Skandapuram Road and several bylanes throughout the village.

The following day, an unusually high number of military personnel were patrolling the area.[5]

Nevertheless, on March 15, 2013 at 10.45pm two mysterious people approached a Female-Headed Household in the area.[6] The assailants opened a temporary door and tried to enter the home. Once those who were inside the house heard people trying to enter, they started to scream. Then the assailants fled the scene.

The following day, the affected woman, along with community leaders, members of the Rural Development Society (RDS) and the Women’s Rural Development Society (WRDS) went to the army camp and lodged a complaint.

Map 



More Impunity

Since these incidents occurred, state security personnel have made virtually no effort to find the assailants; no one has been arrested for these crimes. Many community members believe that army personnel are responsible for these criminal acts.

Since there are army installations on both ends of the village, the fact that mysterious people are still allowed to roam freely has created a palpable sense of anxiety throughout the community. Further, army personnel have clearly stated that if community members ever have visitors, then that information should be reported directly to the military. Yet, when unknown assailants come and bother people at night, army personnel appear to be either unable or unwilling to take resolute action.

Conclusion

It is TSA’s contention that the recent problems in Kanthi Kiramam are directly related to the fact that community members raised concerns about the building of the checkpoint. Community members complained, but – perhaps more importantly – they did not believe that the government really cares about cracking down on illegal business activities.

Does the government of Sri Lanka really want to monitor illegal sand excavation? Or do they want to make sure that community members don’t forget that the military is watching? Or that the conclusion of war has resulted in de facto military occupation throughout the Northern Province?

Whether these recent developments portend a new era of mystery men – a return of the Grease Yaka – remains to be seen. Nevertheless, it looks like these acts of violence are now being used to justify the checkpoint, as the military now seems to be citing security concerns as justification for continued state surveillance.

The final report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) calls upon the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) to reduce the army’s presence in the North and the East. Such a measure would allow people to move freely and help them to regain some semblance of normalcy post-war. Some people wonder if the government intends to place even more members of the army in this area – using the abovementioned incidents as a pretext for a heightened military presence. Were that to happen, such actions should be met with skepticism because this is a regime that simply cannot be trusted.




[1] More than twenty members of the SLA reside in this camp. An officer holding the rank of “Major” is also stationed there.

[2] The community members/victims involved in these incidents work as day laborers, meaning that most of these people live below the poverty line.

[3] Community members come to the community hall for various reasons; community members from nearby villages also come to the Grama Sevaka’s office.

[4] Community members who spoke with TSA identified the assailants based on their dress; community members also recognized their voices.

[5] Evidently, state security personnel were only suspicious of civilians.

[6] This house is approximately 700 meters from the house where the previous incident occurred.

Asath Sally is a prominent political activist in Sri Lanka. Over the last few months he has been an outspoken critic of the Buddhist extremist organisation BBS.


BBS have attacked mosques, incited people to racial hatred, and marched through the streets demanding that Sri Lankans boycot Muslim shops. The situation is so bad that even the Dalai Lama has spoken out. And yet the Sri Lankan government have not even condemned them. Quite the opposite, the President's brother launched their leadership academy. On the other hand Asath Sally, one of the BBS's critics, has been thrown into jail.

Click here to join the campaign to get him out.

Asath Sally has been subjected to a three month detention under the Prevention of Terrorism Act. Under this appalling act the Government of Sri Lanka don't need to give any evidence, or even say what crime Asath Sally is supposed to have committed before locking him up. Many people have been tortured or disappeared while detained in this way.

Click here to keep up the pressure on the Sri Lankan Government - and so make sure he isn't one of them.

Sally went on hunger strike when he was detained and was very unwell for a time. We understand he is now taking food and is feeling slightly better. But his situation is not good, so he really needs your help to make sure the Sri Lankan Government know that we are watching

So please take action now

When he left Sri Lanka the Commonwealth Secretary general announced, with great fanfare, that:

"A Commonwealth expert round-table on reconciliation will take place in London in May 2013. It will involve the sharing of experiences of the challenges faced and lessons learned during post-conflict reconciliation in Commonwealth member states. Sri Lanka will participate in this forum and share its experiences of reconstruction, rehabilitation and reconciliation."

Setting aside the dubious suggestion that a skill sharing round table can in some way cancel out a co-ordinated assault on the rights of the Sri Lankan people, and the complete traduction of Commonwealth values, the round table did sound like a good idea and a potentially very positive step.

However that was the last that was heard about the round table for some months, and our repeated requests for the most basic information (When will the event be? Where? Who is invited?) went unanswered. Then a mere two days before the round table was due to start, a press release appeared on the Commonwealth Secretariat website. This press release gave the dates but limited other information. Small wonder then that 70% of people used the buttons at the bottom of the page to indicate that they did not find the information useful.

Further requests of the Commonwealth Secretariat were met with the answer that they were "not at liberty to share the guest list publicly but participants are here from Kenya, Papua New Guinea, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Uganda and United Kingdom (Northern Ireland)." This is simply ridiculous. While it may be useful at times to have candid discussions behind closed doors, it is rarely the case that it is necessary to conceal even the identities of the people in the room. Our understanding is that most of the participants were state actors, and no victims were present, so there should not have been any security concerns. By concealing the list of who attended the Commonwealth Secretariat give the impression that they have something to hide; as well as reducing our confidence that the round table would have any input from victims, critics and civil society.

Its a shame as the themes chosen for the round table were very interesting and had a lot of relevance to Sri Lanka:

1. Mechanisms of transitional justice: truth commissions
2. Mechanisms of transitional justice: memorialisation
3. The role of national human rights institutions in national reconciliation processes
4. Mechanisms of transitional justice and criminal prosecutions
5. Cross-cutting issues in conflict and reconciliation: vulnerable persons
6. The role of civil society in national reconciliation efforts

Are all areas in which Sri Lanka has been found sadly wanting, as the Government destroys memorials, co-opts national human rights institutions, threatens civil society, and uses commissions as whitewashing exercises. However with no idea of what was said, and who said it we can have no confidence that lessons were taken on board. A press release fawning over Sri Lanka's much discredited National Human Rights Commission did nothing to restore confidence and seems to be yet further evidence of Secretary General Kamalesh Sharma's favouritism when it comes to Sri Lanka.

Commonwealth Secretary General Sharma with his close friend, Sri Lankan High Commissioner Chris Nonis. (Photo CC courtesy of ComSec).

Lord Alderdice, a veteran of the peace process in Northern Ireland, did apparently provide some sensible guidance in his opening speech. He said,

"In recommending civil paths to peace, we were not saying that other approaches such as military, security and political are not important, but that to say that true peace and reconciliation comes when people as human beings feel valued, respected and given dignity - emphasising the role of civility in building relationships for long term peace."

This is precisely what the Government of Sri Lanka has not done. Meanwhile the Commonwealth Secretary General concluded his opening remarks by quoting Desmond Tutu:

"True reconciliation is never cheap, for it is based on forgiveness which is costly. Forgiveness in turn depends on repentance, which has to be based on an acknowledgement of what was done wrong, and therefore on disclosure of the truth. You cannot forgive what you do not know."

It is of course the Government of Sri Lanka's refusal to allow that disclosure of the truth which is one of the major stumbling blocks to reconciliation which is the reason why Desmond Tutu himself has called for Sri Lanka to be stripped of the Commonwealth Summit.

Meanwhile, against all evidence, Secretary General Sharma insists that Sri Lanka is making progress and that it will continue to do so. In all probability this has far more to do with the SG's clearly very close relationship with the Sri Lankan foreign office than it does with reality. But it does beg the question as to what the Secreatry General will do as and when the progress he has promised in Sri Lanka fails to materialise.

At the very same time back in the real world, Asath Sally, a prominent Muslim politician was thrown in to jail for daring to organise demonstrations against Buddhist extremism. We understand that he is in hospital having gone on hunger strike and that the Government will tomorrow ask for him to be detained for three months under the Prevention of Terrorism Act. Under this draconian piece of legislation he does not need to be charged with anything. Demonstrations are taking place in Colombo.

This isn't the most exciting blog post we will ever write but you can now read our accounts for 2012 here.

As a small non-profit campaigning organisation we do not need to be audited, but we felt it was important that we commit to the highest possible standards of transparency, and so these accounts were prepared by an auditor. As you can see we don't receive any money from the Tamil Tigers, the "global NGO conspiracy" or any of the other people who we are occasionally accused of being backed by.

As you will also see we are almost entirely member funded, we don't take much money to fund, but times are tight. So please consider donating to the campaign by clicking here. As you can see it will make an enormous difference.
 

The Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG), a powerful Committee of the Commonwealth met today to discuss the situation in Sri Lanka, Fiji and the Maldives. Sri Lanka had been due to be discussed under the agenda item "items of continuing interest to members" because its repeated violation of human rights and extrajudicial sacking of their Chief Justice stand in clear breach of Commonwealth values. Sri Lanka is due to host the Commonwealth Summit (CMAG) at the end of the year, and thus become leaders of the Commonwealth for the next two years.

It appears nothing much was decided at the meeting, with the Commonwealth releasing a statement which concentrated exclusively on Fiji. A full transcript of the press conference will be on the Commonwealth Secretariat website shortly.

The Canadians seemed keen to show their solidarity with those demonstrating outside the meeting, calling for Sri Lanka to be held to account. Foreign Minister Baird went straight from the meeting into the crowd and spent a while chatting to and shaking hands with demonstrators.

Baird also told Frances Harrison, "this is not about accommodating evil but combating it".





 

We have put together a bunch of logos to allow you to show the world how you feel about a war criminal heading the Commonwealth for the next two years. We're making these logos freely available: they don't belong to anyone, they don't come from any organisation. So use them as you see fit.

We have them in various versions. There are full scale high resolution versions which can be uploaded to facebook and twitter, or printed out on to posters or placards:


We have wide banner versions that you can put on your website or in emails:



We have versions which are exactly the right size for your facebook profile:

 And twitter:

And if you click here you can visit "twibbon" which will allow you to have this logo in the corner of your twitter or facebook picture without obscuring the whole thing. Like this:

 Or here is an alternative version:


We also have virtually every combination of the logos above, and press ready versions to print off stickers, posters, or placards. So if there is any variation you need please get in touch.

It would be fantastic if you could help us plaster this image everywhere, so please help yourself!

Our friends at Avaaz have launched a campaign against the Commonwealth Summit (CHOGM) which is due to be held in Sri Lanka at the end of the year, thus whitewashing the regime's reputation. This is good news, theirs will be a short, sharp, campaign aimed at this Friday's meeting of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG - in effect the Cabinet of the Commonwealth). It will sit alongside our longer campaign on the same issue.

The campaign is called "no reward for the island of fear"

Please do sign their petition. This is a really powerful tool to force the Commonwealth to listen to public opinion and move the summit to a country that respects human rights.

The Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group will be under increased pressure after an event in Parliament on Monday at which a number of internationally renowned experts called for the summit to be moved. Sadakat Kadri of the International Bar Association accused the Sri Lankan Government of "making up the rules as it went along" when they ignored Commonwealth principles to impeach their chief justice. Former Nigerian Chief Justice Mohammed Uwais said the situation was similar to that in Fiji, which led to Fiji being suspended from the Commonwealth (the Commonwealth Lawyers' Association has also called for Sri Lanka to be suspended fro the Commonwealth).

The International Bar Association showed this video which captured the current crisis in Sri Lanka's judicial system:


Following the "CMAG" meeting on Friday the chair, Dr Dipu Moni, will answer questions at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies at 3:30 (although she wishes to only discuss Bangladesh). We also understand there will be a demonstration outside the meeting (Marlborough House, London) on Friday between 11 and 3.

The Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) will meet in London on Friday in what will be the 39th session since its founding in 1995. The group was created during that year’s Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) - a meeting which also saw the decision to suspend Nigeria from the organisation after repeated violations of the group’s core values. With the next CHOGM meeting controversially scheduled to be held in Sri Lanka this coming November, the example of Nigeria should be used as a precedent to guide the Commonwealth’s actions towards Sri Lanka.

Nigeria’s suspension followed repeated criticism from the Commonwealth after its military leader, General Ibrahim Babangida, had rejected the results of 1993’s presidential polls. The subsequent crack-down on political opposition culminated in the execution of nine activists - including the author Ken Saro-Wiwa - as the Commonwealth met in New Zealand. This proved to be the final straw and Nigeria was suspended for failing to uphold the principles of the "Harare declaration."

Amongst the key principles laid out in this declaration is the Commonwealth’s support for the United Nations, whose Human Rights Council last month once again condemned the situation in Sri Lanka. Thier High Commissioner, Navi Pillay, drew particular attention to the continuing reports of judicial interference, extrajudicial killings, abductions, and enforced disappearances in the past year, and called for urgent action. The Commonwealth risks undermining its own charter, and indeed its very character, if it does not heed this call.

Failing to take a stand will not only hinder the country’s peace and reconciliation processes, but will infer the Commonwealth’s acceptance of the situation in Sri Lanka and invite the Government of Sri Lanka to continue its disregard for Commonwealth principles and international law. Africa can again be looked to for a precedent after the African Union in 2006 refused to allow Sudan’s Omar al-Bashir the custom of assuming chairmanship of its heads of government group following human rights abuses in Darfur. In the African Union, as in the Commonwealth, the host was automatically made chair. But the African Union showed a resolve which has so far been lacking in the Commonwealth, and changed the convention so that al-Bashir would not be able to use his position as chair to sanitise his reputation.

Former Commonwealth Secretary-General, Don McKinnon, has stated that in order for the Commonwealth to stay relevant, credible and have an impact, it must stay true and responsive. Sri Lanka is in blatant violation of the Harare Declaration and, as it was with Nigeria in 1995, the Commonwealth must stay true to its values and show that no infringements of its principles are acceptable. It is time for the Commonwealth to respond, support current international efforts, and pressure the Government of Sri Lanka to re-establish democracy and human rights protections.

However it is unfortunately typical of the Commonwealth that Sri Lanka is treated with kid gloves whilst a harder line is reserved for African Commonwealth countries. There appears to be a double standard within the Commonwealth whereby African nations are held to account for violations of Commonwealth values, but non African nations are not. The Commonwealth launched its "charter" with great fanfare last month. The idea was that this charter would provide a new common set of values that will hold the Commonwealth together. Yet Sri Lanka is in violation of virtually every article of the new charter, and there have been no consequences.

The 1995 decision to suspend Nigeria was proven to be a wise one as, after a mixture of assistance and international pressure, the country was welcomed back into the Commonwealth fold in 1999 with the capital Abuja even going on to host CHOGM in 2003.

Nor is this an isolated example: Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the Coté d'Ivoire have all had recent positive experiences where the involvement of the international community has improved the political and human rights situation within the country. This sits in marked contrast to Sri Lanka's refusal to constructively engage with any criticism, be it from inside or outside the country. It is with this in mind that the Sri Lanka Campaign calls for positive action to be taken against Sri Lanka before it hosts this year’s CHOGM, so that it might return to the values of democracy, human rights, and freedom of expression which unite all members of the Commonwealth.

A quick glance at this map of signatories to the International Criminal court shows how far ahead Africa is of Asia when it comes to constructively working with the international community on human rights (green = ratified, light green = currently ratifying, orange = signed but not ratified)

We therefore call upon the Commonwealth to:

• Publicly express its disapproval of Sri Lanka’s violation of Commonwealth principles, particularly democracy, the rule of law, and protection of human rights;
• Place Sri Lanka on the Commonwealth's "CMAG" agenda and consider suspension of membership;
• Publicly present benchmarks for progress in Sri Lanka ahead of the Commonwealth summit.
• Relocate the 2013 Commonwealth Summit, "CHOGM", to a rights-respecting country if benchmarks are not met;
• Award the Chair-in-Office position to a rights-respecting official; and
• Provide practical assistance to Sri Lanka in adhering to Commonwealth principles.

Tough Ground Realities [1]

The conclusion of war has not heralded a return to peace in Sri Lanka’s Northern Province. Community members are still struggling with a myriad of problems related to human rights, militarization, sexual violence, alcoholism, unemployment, displacement and a lack of media freedom, among other issues. Unfortunately, community members can’t even express themselves freely about the missing or the disappeared; state security personnel maintain a firm grip on all aspects of civilian life in the war-torn North. In some instances, their freedom of movement has also been restricted. It looks like the situation is getting worse.

March 5, Restrictions on Freedom of Movement in Vavuniya

Families from across the Northern Province came to Vavuniya in twelve buses. They had intended to participate in an event on March 6 in Colombo to mourn their disappeared family members and to protest in search of answers.

Members of the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID) and Sri Lankan military personnel stopped these people in Vavuniya and did not allow them to proceed. According to information obtained by The Social Architects (TSA), as many as 750 community members were blocked in Vavuniya because the state’s security apparatus did not allow them to travel freely. Many of them stayed in Vavuniya and then protested there the following day (on March 6).

Pervasive Military Questioning and Intimidation

Sri Lanka’s continued militarization has created obvious problems in the country’s conflict-affected areas. In Mannar, Vavuniya, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu and Jaffna, security personnel have recently gone to peoples’ homes and made inquiries regarding people’s participation in the previously mentioned March 6 Vavuniya event. Security personnel also went to the organizers’ places of residence and questioned them. State security personnel were asking a lot of questions, including the following:

Did you go to Vavuniya? Who arranged the travelling? Do you know other people who participated in the event? Who organized the event? [2]

In some areas, Grama Sevakas [Sri Lankan public officials] are questioning community members. Several of them recently called families in and asked questions about the Vavuniya event, including the following: Who disappeared from your house? When did that person disappear? Did you participate in this event? Who arranged your transportation? Who helped organize the event?

Based on interviews conducted by TSA, in Kanagambigaikulam (Kilinochchi), army civil officers went to peoples’ homes[3] and instructed them to come to their office.[4] Some family members who went there were interrogated by army civil officers for the same matter. On other occasions, TID officers questioned people at their places of residence.

The officers wanted to know what people were doing the day before the March 6 event. On March 8, military personnel had told some people that they should not participate in events like the one that was held on March 6 in Vavuniya.

Interrogations at Joseph Army Camp

In addition, security personnel have been questioning people who have filed cases with the UN’s Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (WGEID). Families who had lodged a complaint about the missing/disappeared and are living in remote villages have been asked to travel to Joseph Army Camp. When security forces make such a request, community members are expected to pay for their travel. Since economic marginalization remains a concern in Sri Lanka’s conflict-affected areas, this places additional strains on these families.

Further, instead of responding to queries made by the UN, it appears that the Rajapaksa regime has decided to interrogate those families and individuals who have made submissions to WGEID. If interrogations by security personnel come as a result of WGEID submissions, it is likely that fewer community members will file cases with that body. (Many community members have already reported that they are now afraid to give out any additional information to WGEID).

While legitimate investigations about disappearances should usually be undertaken by the police, it does not look like police officers have been very keen to investigate cases. [5] Rather, instead of investigating cases of disappearance, it looks like some CID officers are more interested in questioning people about their UN communications. Further, it is not clear why the military has been so involved in matters related to UN communications; it looks like they are undertaking many of the interrogations.

Earlier this month, some community members (who have family members who were disappeared) were asked to show up at Vavuniya’s Joseph Army Camp. At that army camp, members of the TID collected personal information from them (as if those community members were filling out an affidavit). Community members told TSA that members of TID collected up to six pages of information from each person who was questioned. In addition, community members were asked to sign each page that they had filled out. Some community members told TID that they had now given security personnel the same information two or three times. (This information included the date their family member disappeared, relevant photos, that person’s address, the location of the disappearance, educational information and their relatives’ most recent address).

Members of TID also asked family members who else they informed regarding this matter. Community members told TSA that they had informed a range of organizations about the disappearance of their loved one(s) including the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) and other NGOs. Many community members also indicated that this information was conveyed to TID during their interrogation(s).

Regrettably, government bodies like the District and Divisional Secretariat are not very interested in collecting information on disappearances because they have been told by senior officers in the Kilinochchi District Secretariat that they should not do that.

A Father’s Story [6]

A man from Northern Sri Lanka moved into army-controlled territory in May 2009. At that time, his son (a married twenty-seven-year-old LTTE cadre) was handed over to military personnel in a village in Mullaitivu. The father saw his son get on a bus with several dozen other LTTE cadres.

In July 2009, the man filed a complaint about his son’s disappearance at Joseph Army Camp. Since that time, the father has gone to Joseph Army Camp as many as ten times. On each occasion he has provided information and pictures of his child. Yet, as of the writing of this report, he still has not received any information about his son’s whereabouts.

The father also participated in the March 6 event in Vavuniya; he returned to his home the following day. On March 9, TID officers went to his home and interrogated him about his participation in that event.

The man was subsequently ordered by TID officers to appear at Joseph Army Camp at the end of March 2013. Consequently, he went to Joseph Army Camp and was interrogated by TID officers for approximately four hours. At that time, the investigating officers obtained information about his son, and his family members’ and relatives’ place of birth and current addresses. After asking all of their questions, TID officers prepared a lengthy report in Sinhala and requested that the father sign every page. (The report looked like an affidavit). Since the man is able to read Sinhala, he asked to read the report, which TID officers allowed.

As he was reading, the father discovered the following sentence: “I never saw my son being taken away by the army; he just went missing during the final phase of the war.” The father became upset after reading this sentence and told TID officers that he “can’t put his signature on this document because I handed my son over to the army in a Mullaitivu village. And, to the best of my knowledge, my son was taken by the army in a bus. My wife, my son’s wife and I all witnessed this incident. So you all cannot write this in your report.”

The man returned to his home later that evening, although he believes that state security personnel will follow him and perhaps even threaten him in the future.

Stories from a Few Grieving Mothers

Over the past few weeks, TSA spoke with a range of conflict-affected women who are still missing loved ones. A few of their stories are recounted below.

A Woman from a Village outside of Mullaitivu town

Both her two sons and husband were disappeared in April 2009. Understandably, she wanted to take part in the March 6 Colombo event and had arrived in Vavuniya on March 5. Yet, while she was eating at a restaurant in Vavuniya, two members of the state security apparatus interrogated her.[7] (The questioning took place in the restaurant). She was then threatened by those two men. During the interrogation, the men told her not to go to the Colombo event and that she should return to her home.

The woman told the men that she would not travel to Colombo, stating that she would go home instead. But she did not go home. The next day, she participated in the event in Vavuniya. During that event, she was followed by the same two men who had interrogated her. Once she realized what was happening, the woman said that she became very afraid.

Women from Mullaitivu

A few days ago, a mother from Mullaitivu whose husband had disappeared in April 2009 was crying. She also participated in the March 6 event in Vavuniya. She shared the following information with TSA:

My husband left us on the 4th of April, 2009. He still has not returned. When he disappeared I was seven months pregnant. My daughter was born in a refugee camp in Cheddikulam [8]; she’s now almost four-years-old. She’s never met her father. She’s been with me…searching for him. A lot of people saw that Channel 4 video where many Tamils were killed. Most of my relatives and neighbors have seen it. People have told me that my husband is in that video. But I didn’t see the Channel 4 video; I don’t ever want to see it. It makes me afraid. I am 100 percent sure that my husband is alive….that he will return someday.

Another woman’s teenage daughter disappeared in May 2009, [9] following the conclusion of the war. She was living in Menik Farm. Beginning in July, this woman went to the Vavuniya police station each every Wednesday for seven weeks. Travelling from Menik Farm on each occasion, she kept asking about her daughter’s whereabouts.

The mother had submitted her daughter’s photo during her first visit to the Vavuniya police station in July 2009. At that time, a police officer said he recognized the girl and even showed the mother a photo of her daughter that a police officer had taken with his camera phone. The mother was told that the photo was taken after her daughter had arrived in army-controlled territory in May 2009. After seven weeks, the police sent the mother to the TID at Joseph camp and told her to file a complaint with them, instead of filing one at the police station.

Conclusion

Existing state structures are not protecting the fundamental rights of community members; transgressors include the country’s political administration and the state security apparatus. State institutions should support community members, not harass them.

Nearly four years since the conclusion of the war, the regime in Colombo remains uninterested in matters related to reconciliation and human rights. Community members are not even able to conduct peaceful protests, deliver documents to the UN, or access some of country’s domestic mechanisms. The nexus between UN communications and state security personnel’s consistent interrogation of civilians has people worried.

These acts of oppression should be condemned. With another Human Rights Council (HRC) resolution hanging over its head, the autocratic Rajapaksa regime has moved ever closer to true isolation. Yet, the regime is clearly not concerned with its most recent Geneva fiasco; Minister of External Affairs GL Peiris has already come out and said that the regime plans to disregard the HRC resolution.

The events that have recently transpired are reprehensible and detrimental to Sri Lanka’s chances for a lasting peace. Trouble’s brewing in Northern Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, there’s little which indicates the situation will improve in the near term.

• [1] In order to write this paper, TSA conducted field research in March and April 2013.
• [2] A few community members admitted that they had participated, while others who did participate denied it.
• [3] Evidently army civil officers only visited people who have disappeared family members.
• [4] Security personnel informed people at their places of residence on March 17. It was requested that community members come to the office of army civil officers from March 20-25. The office is located near the Iranaimadhu tank.
• [5] In Vavuniya, this list of disappeared persons was compiled by people at Joseph Camp in May of 2009 (at the conclusion of the war). This is the list that state security personnel have been using to question people. It has been reported that a longer list has been divided according to district and GN division.
• [6] TSA has provided readers with a few illustrative examples which show the difficulties that community members are facing vis-à-vis their missing/disappeared family members. Many more stories were shared with TSA as the group undertook its field research.
• [7] It remains unclear whether those who interrogated the woman were members of the TID or the CID.
• [8] Cheddikulam refers to an area in Zone 3 of Menik Farm, Vavuniya.
• [9] The daughter had been moving from Mullivaikkal to an army-controlled area; she was travelling with a priest at the time. In May 2009, policeman took a photo of girl when she surrendered in army-controlled territory; this photo was shown to the girl’s mother in July 2009.

A couple of weeks ago Sri Lankan arts festival ‘Colomboscope’ presented a biased account of events that took place during the country’s bloody civil war, as well as its community today. The event was supported by British and German taxpayers through the British Council and the Goethe Institute.

Themed ‘Identities’ and funded in part by Standard Chartered Bank, the event was attended by an imposing abundance of military personnel, all in full uniform. They were given a platform to share books and video footage with the public that denied war crimes that have been attributed to the Sri Lankan Army. One Army spokesman was quoted as saying that ‘people should not be held responsible for collateral damage to civilians’. Many attendees accused ‘Colomboscope’ of becoming yet another platform for political propaganda and angry reactions on twitter demonstrated the extent to which participants felt they were being brainwashed.

Professor Rajiva Wijesinha and Malinda Seneviratne were given slots at the festival. Mr Wijesinha is a high profile apologist for the Rajapaksa regime with a record of vitriolic, if slightly mad, attacks on journalists and human rights defenders. For example here he uses a contrived Harry Potter analogy and very poor photoshopping, to attack those calling for an independent international investigation in Sri Lanka. More typical was his almost hysterical reaction to the release of the UN internal review where he rants at length about unrelated issues that took place some years before the incidents in question and flat out refuses to answer the interviewer's questions.

Malinda Senevitatne is a much more sinister figure. He is Editor in Chief of "the Nation", one of Sri Lanka's most nationalistic newspapers. He also founded the organisation which went on to become the JHU: an extreme right wing Buddhist nationalist party. Although he left the party before it took this form, and there is some evidence his views have moderated recently, he is still widely regarded as being on the Sri Lankan far right, and his presence at the festival without any balancing force was concerning. Much more concerning is his record of being vehemently opposed to freedom of expression: his vitriolic attacks on Sri Lankans who are critical of the Government come close, in some cases, to incitement to violence - especially when one considers how willing pro-Government forces have traditionally been to physically attack their opponents. This article from last year attacking human rights defenders who went to the Human Rights Council is typical. You will note he is particularly keen to attack female human rights defenders, a trait he shares with Prof Wijesinha.

Army propaganda

One session saw discussion on the problems of war reportage and how figures assigned to fatalities can be massaged equally vigorously by both sides. The title was "Counting the Bodies", a reference to Frances Harrison's "Still Counting the dead" - although she was not made aware of the event until afterwards. Coverage of this sensitive topic was, as Groundviews put it lightly: ‘a tad one-sided…’ the panel consisting of two Army officials, a Government MP (the aforementioned Rajiva) and one heavily outnumbered journalist. Attendees were more struck, however, by its poor moderation, which saw members of the audience silenced and questions answered using bible references!

Frances Harrison wrote about the event here and you can judge for yourself by watching the video:


Meanwhile, there seemed to have been limited attempts at creating a balanced programme: only one Tamil and no Muslim authors were present in the ‘Colomboscope’ line-up, and we are aware of several interesting, critical, and minority authors who were not asked. A German rights group received an evasive reply upon sending a letter of complaint to the Goethe Institute. The British Council were similarly evasive in the run up to the festival, although we understand they may now be willing to work with more critical voices next year.

It is highly disturbing that British and German taxpayers have helped fund this farcical celebration of Sri Lankan "progress" that has so narrowly represented the country’s cultural identity and reinforced government falsifications of its recent history.

Lonely Planet made the news recently after the BBC sold it to reclusive Tennessee billionaire Brad Kelley at a reported £80 million loss.

Meanwhile we and our friends at Society for Threatened People have been having a debate with Lonely Planet over their Sri Lanka guide.

Lonely Planet's website has a page asking if it is ethical to visit Burma. Why not the same for Sri Lanka?

Lonely Planet have named Sri Lanka the number one travel destination in the world for 2013. They have done so without regard to the consequences of Sri Lanka's tourist boom, which is helping to whitewash the reputation of the regime. Furthermore their guide to Sri Lanka recommends three companies (Sri Lankan Airlines, Helitours, and the whale watching tours in Mirissa and ferries in Jaffna) without making any mention of the fact that these companies are owned by the regime itself. Two are owned by the military.

We wrote to Lonely Planet making these points:

"Declaring a country like Sri Lanka a “number one travel destination” without providing information about the alarming human rights situation is not what we consider responsible tourism. Nevertheless we want to make clear that it is not our intention to call for a boycott of Sri Lanka as a tourist destination generally. Tourism can bring positive benefits to a country. The difficulty is to make sure the money spent,really benefits local communities and not an oppressive regime and alleged or known human rights abusers. If it really is Lonely Planet’s intention to encourage tourists to travel responsibly and have a positive impact, then it is important to provide them with up-to-date information in order to raise awareness and let them make informed choices."

We further sent them our research, in which we had flagged:

• 28 instances in which the Lonely Planet guide had used insensitive language or made mention of an organisation around which we have concerns without any acknowledgement of human rights concerns.
• A further 26 instances in which the Lonely Planet guide had used slightly simplistic language or made mention of a complicated subject (such as tea farming) without fully explaining the related ethical conundrums this raises for a responsible traveler
• That the Lonely Planet guide makes no mention at all of ongoing human rights violations, the lack of a free media or freedom of expression, torture, the current political situation (almost uniquely among Lonely Planet guides there is no “government and politics” section and the history section ends in 2009), the increasing militarisation of Sri Lankan society, or the role of the ruling “family” and the extent to which Rajapaksas fill almost every political role

In their response they admitted that as Sri Lanka is a rapidly changing nation, their ‘Sri Lanka Today’ section may no longer reflects the current state of the nation and they will address that in the new edition. However they refused to be drawn on the other issues we raised, and refused to take any immediate steps to redress the serious gap and imbalance in information they have provided to the public, and how this is being exploited by the Sri Lankan authorities.

We wrote back:

"...your work is being used for political ends whether you like it or not. Your decision to declare Sri Lanka the number one travel destination in 2013 has been heavily exploited by the Sri Lankan government. A recent example is an interview with Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in Australia, Admiral Thisara Samarasinghe, broadcast by Radio Australia, in which he dismisses the new Human Rights Watch report on continuing torture and sexual violence as baseless, citing “Lonely Planet research” – and explains that if sexual violence were really occurring in Sri Lanka Lonely Planet, a publisher with a good reputation, would not have declared it the number one travel destination. We only wish we could share the Admiral’s faith in your good judgment."

We also cited a number of things they could do immediately, such as write up an FAQ on the ethical questions raised by travelling to Sri Lanka, as they have done for Burma.

They did not address these suggestions in their response. Nor did they address their failure to prevent Admiral Samarasinghe from manipulating them politically. They did promise to pass our information on to the report's authors but they said that the date for a new issue had been fixed at 2015 and would not be brought forward.

It is far from satisfactory, as the Society for Threatened people told the Swiss Sonntags Zeitung (bottom left). Perhaps the Lonely Planet's new owners, who you can write to here, will be more responsive.

As promised, here is the film "Haunted by her Yesterdays" by the Social Architects.



Please do watch it, and then share it with your friends.

Haunted by her yesterdays

This documentary tells a story of silent agony, trapped screams and repressed mourning. A story of women forced to deny their identity – who are trapped in between a government which sees them as “Tigers,” and a society whose norms they are no longer deemed worthy of.

These women fought bravely alongside men as members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) during Sri Lanka’s bloody thirty-year civil war. From protectors and defenders of their families, villages and nation, thousands of female ex-combatants have now returned home to assume more traditional roles as mothers, wives, widows, and teachers – in communities where they are perpetually shunned. Through several powerful voices, “Haunted by Her Yesterdays” allows a few to share their pain and suffering – the wounds that remain unhealed, the scars that are impossible to ignore and the hearts that still burn with pain, passion and grief – for the world to hear. This film is a gripping tale of loss, betrayal and struggle, but –above all else – it is a search for inspiration and a call for action. As the country’s war-torn North and East struggles to rebuild itself, this documentary tells a deeply moving story that has been overlooked for far too long.

The Social Architects:

Created in 2012, The Social Architects (TSA) are composed of a diverse group of writers, intellectuals and working professionals. While most of TSA’s members hail from the country’s North and East, the group also includes other scholars and activists who have been working on Sri Lankan issues. TSA seeks to educate, to inform and to provide timely, thoughtful analysis on a range of topics.

TSA has written numerous reports and articles including: Salt on Old Wounds: The Sinhalization of Sri Lanka’s North, East and Hill Country and Giving Reconciliation in Sri Lanka a Better Chance: A Shadow Action Plan for the LLRC. The organization’s writing has appeared in a range of outlets such as Groundviews and International Policy Digest.

This March TSA will be releasing The Numbers Never Lie – a comprehensive report which assesses the Sri Lankan government’s implementation of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) recommendations.

You might have seen we launched a report, based upon Watchdog's research, in today's observer

As we say in the report this is

"A report into arbitrary detention, prison conditions, the Vavuniya riot, and its aftermath." 

"This report was undertaken by Tamil and Sinhalese researchers from Sri Lanka and the United Kingdom. We would like to thank the Watchdog team that facilitated the production of this report and many more people who cannot be named for fear of retaliation. The final manuscript was produced by the Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace and Justice."

You can download it here. In addition you can download it from our website (bottom right on front page) You can also download summaries in French and Spanish - and we hope to soon be able to circulate summaries in Tamil, Sinhala, and Arabic.

Today is the start of something special.

The Human Rights Council has once again condemned Sri Lanka's human rights record, this time in even more damning terms. This is great news for everyone who cares about Sri Lanka - but to turn it into meaningful action we need your help. 

In less than a month a key part of the Commonwealth, the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG), meets. After the strong message the Human Rights Council has sent, they must take a stand and ensure that Sri Lanka is not rewarded by hosting the Commonwealth's grand summit this November - that will keep the pressure on Sri Lanka and ensure we finally get the independent international investigation Sri Lanka needs to end its cycle of murder, torture, and rape. But if the Commonwealth continues as usual then the Government of Sri Lanka will be able to use this to whitewash their crimes, and derail the process of reconciliation. The cycle of violence will continue. 

So in the next month we need our leaders to show leadership, and show the Commonwealth that it must not be business as usual. They can do this by following the Canadian Prime Minister's example and announcing that if the summit happens then they will not go. This is the most effective way we can put the pressure on the Commonwealth to act. We are going to ask this of every Commonwealth country, but we are starting with the UK. 

Please sign the petition here

Desmond Tutu, Mary Robinson, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, Geoffrey Robertson QC, the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Select Committee, the Royal Commonwealth society President Peter Kellner, Bloomberg, the Washington Post, the Guardian, prominent Caribbean diplomat Sir Ronald Saunders, David Milliband, Malcolm Rifkind, Ricken Patel (the founder of Avaaz), those campaigning for the murdered tourist Khurram Sheikh, Amnesty International, Forum Asia, the Asian Legal Resource Centre, Civicus, the Commonwealth Journalists Association, the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project, the Human Rights Law Centre (Australia), Human Rights Watch, the International Crisis Group, the International Federation for Human Rights, Minority Rights Group International, the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative and a number of Sri Lankan NGOs have already said this summit is a bad idea.   

But it is your voice the politicians need to hear.

Please sign the petition.

The Human Rights Council has once again passed a resolution on Sri Lanka.

The vote was proposed by 42 nations.

Austria, Belgium*, Bulgaria*, Canada*, Croatia*, Denmark*, Estonia, Finland*, France*, Georgia*, Germany, Greece*, Hungary*, Iceland*, Ireland, Italy, Liechtenstein*, Lithuania*, Malta*, Monaco*, Montenegro, Norway*, Poland, Portugal*, Romania, Saint Kitts and Nevis*, Slovakia*, Slovenia*, Spain, Sweden*, Switzerland, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland*, United States of America, Czech Republic, *Albania, *Australia, *Bosnia and Herzogovina, *Cameroon, *Cyprus, *Latvia, *The Netherlands and *New Zealand

A * means that these sponsors are not HRC members, only one sponsor has to me.

The vote was passed 25 votes to 13.

These countries voted in favour:

Benin, the Ivory Coast, Libya, Sierra Leone, India, Korea, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Peru, Austria, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, USA, Czech Republic, Estonia, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Moldova.

These countries voted against:

Venezuela, Ecuador, UAE, Thailand, Qatar, Philippines, Pakistan, Maldives, Kuwait, Indonesia, Uganda, Mauritania, Congo (Rep not DR)

These countries abstained:

 Ethiopia, Angola, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Kenya, Japan, Kazakhstan, Malaysia.

None of the countries who were members last year (italics) changed their vote.

The new members (non italic) voted 9-3-4. Those they replaced had last year voted 8-5-4 (For: Cameroon, Mauritius, Nigeria, Mexico, Uruguay, Belgium, Norway, Hungary. Against: Russia, Cuba, Saudi Arabia, Bangladesh, China. Abstain: Djibouti, Senegal, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan)

Somalia, Israel, and Luxemburg cosponsored the resolution last year but not this year. Albania, Bosnia, Montenegro and St Kitts sponsored this year but not last year.

Here is the wording of the resolution that passed:

A/HRC/22/L.1/Rev.1

Human Rights Council

Twenty-second session

Agenda item 2

Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General

The Human Rights Council,

Reaffirming the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations,

Guided by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenants on Human Rights and other relevant instruments,

Bearing in mind General Assembly resolution 60/251 of 15 March 2006,

Recalling Human Rights Council resolutions 5/1, on institution-building of the Council, and 5/2, on the code of conduct for special procedures mandate holders, of 18 June 2007,

Recalling also Human Rights Council resolution 19/2 of 22 March 2012 on promoting reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka,

Reaffirming that it is the responsibility of each State to ensure the full enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms of its entire population,

Reaffirming also that States must ensure that any measure taken to combat terrorism complies with their obligations under international law, in particular international human rights law, international refugee law and international humanitarian law, as applicable,

Welcoming the announcement made by the Government of Sri Lanka that elections to the Provincial Council in the Northern Province will be held in September 2013,

Welcoming and acknowledging the progress made by the Government of Sri Lanka in rebuilding infrastructure, demining, and resettling the majority of internally displaced persons, and noting nonetheless that considerable work lies ahead in the areas of justice, reconciliation and the resumption of livelihoods, and stressing the importance of the full participation of local populations, including representatives of civil society and minorities, in these efforts,

Taking note of the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission of Sri Lanka and its findings and recommendations, and acknowledging its possible contribution to the process of national reconciliation in Sri Lanka,

Taking note also of the national plan of action to implement the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission of the Government of Sri Lanka and its commitments as set forth in response to the findings and recommendations of the Commission,

Noting that the national plan of action does not adequately address all of the findings and constructive recommendations of the Commission,

Recalling the constructive recommendations contained in the Commission’s report, including the need to credibly investigate widespread allegations of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, demilitarize the north of Sri Lanka, implement impartial land dispute resolution mechanisms, re-evaluate detention policies, strengthen formerly independent civil institutions, reach a political settlement on the devolution of power to the provinces, promote and protect the right of freedom of expression for all and enact rule of law reforms,

Noting with concern that the national plan of action and the Commission’s report do not adequately address serious allegations of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law,

Expressing concern at the continuing reports of violations of human rights in Sri Lanka, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, torture and violations of the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, as well as intimidation of and reprisals against human rights defenders, members of civil society and journalists, threats to judicial independence and the rule of law, and discrimination on the basis of religion or belief,

Calling upon the Government of Sri Lanka to fulfil its public commitments, including on the devolution of political authority, which is integral to reconciliation and the full enjoyment of human rights by all members of its population,

Expressing appreciation for the efforts of the Government of Sri Lanka in facilitating the visit of a technical mission from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and encouraging the Government to increase its dialogue and cooperation with the Office of the High Commissioner,

Noting the call made by the High Commissioner for an independent and credible international investigation into alleged violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law,

1. Welcomes the report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on advice and technical assistance for the Government of Sri Lanka on promoting reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka[1] and the recommendations and conclusions contained therein, in particular on the establishment of a truth-seeking mechanism as an integral part of a more comprehensive and inclusive approach to transitional justice;

2. Encourages the Government of Sri Lanka to implement the recommendations made in the report of the Office of the High Commissioner, and also calls upon the Government to conduct an independent and credible investigation into allegations of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as applicable;

3. Reiterates its call upon the Government of Sri Lanka to implement effectively the constructive recommendations made in the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission, and to take all necessary additional steps to fulfil its relevant legal obligations and commitment to initiate credible and independent actions to ensure justice, equity, accountability and reconciliation for all Sri Lankans;

4. Encourages the Government of Sri Lanka to cooperate with special procedures mandate holders and to respond formally to their outstanding requests, including by extending invitations and providing access;

5. Encourages the Office of the High Commissioner and relevant special procedures mandate holders to provide, in consultation with and with the concurrence of the Government of Sri Lanka, advice and technical assistance on implementing the above-mentioned steps;

6. Requests the Office of the High Commissioner, with input from relevant special procedures mandate holders, as appropriate, to present an oral update to the Human Rights Council at its twenty-fourth session, and a comprehensive report followed by a discussion on the implementation of the present resolution at its twenty-fifth session.

 [1] A/HRC/22/38.

Over the last few weeks we've created a number of infographics to highlight the current situation in Sri Lanka. We commissioned them, but we have left our logos off them to allow people to share them as freely as they like. So please do. Use them however you like, the more people who see this information the better.

We've embedded all five below and you are free to download them. Additionally after each one we have linked to where we have spread them over a number of social media platforms and so you are free to use these links to share them more widely.

1 Sri Lanka's north is under military occupation

This was shared on twitter, facebook, pinterest, imgur, and reddit.

2 Mahinda Samarasinghe, the President's envoy, says the military is not involved in civilian life

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3 The decreasing circles of accountability in Sri Lanka


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4 The intensity of the conflict


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5 Nepotism in Sri Lanka

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